© September 2002 by Stuart H. Young
The following is a translation of the Chinese biography of the Indian Buddhist patriarch Aśvaghoṣa, traditionally attributed to the great Kuchan translator Kumārajīva (ca. 344-413). It is based upon the edition in the Taishō Tripiṭaka,[1] which is itself based on that found in the second Koryŏ canon (completed ca. 1251).[2] The second Koryŏ recension is representative of that made for the first printed edition of the Chinese Tripiṭaka, the Kaibao 開寶 canon, which was completed in Chengdu 成都 in 983.[3] The Taishō editors have included notes to variants in the three editions of the Song (ca. 1239), Yuan (ca. 1290), and Ming (ca. 1601) dynasties, as well as the "old Song" edition (ca. 1104-1148) belonging to the Japanese Imperial library.[4] I further consulted the Qisha 磧砂 edition of the Song canon (completed ca. 1322),[5] which was lost until 1931 and was thus absent for Taishō collating, and the Qing dynasty Qianlong 乾隆 edition.[6] A list of variants in these seven editions of the Biography of the Bodhisattva Aśvaghoṣa, which are few and do not significantly alter the meaning of the text, can be found in the appendix at the end of the translation.
At the time that this translation was prepared, the biography of Aśvaghoṣa had not been rendered into any western language. I thus frequently referred to Li Yuxi 黎玉璽 modern vernacular Chinese version, prepared as an appendix to his translation of the sixth-century Succession of the Dharma Treasure Transmission.[7] However, shortly after completing my rendition, I discovered that Li Rongxi had recently put the text into English, and that his version was soon to be published as part of the Numata Center's BDK English Tripiṭaka series, along with the biographies of Nāgārjuna (T.50.2047), Vasubandhu (T.50.2049), the Biographies of Buddhist Nuns (T.50.2063), and The Journey of the Eminent Monk Faxian (T.51.2085), in a volume titled Lives of Great Monks and Nuns.[8] After subsequently consulting Li Rongxi on a few ambiguous turns of phrase in the Aśvaghoṣa biography, I amended the following version where appropriate. Except in cases where I felt that Li Rongxi's interpretation was clearly preferable, I generally followed Li Yuxi (unless I disagreed with both of them) -- to provide for the western audience a variant reading.
My understanding of the text and the accuracy of my translation were greatly aided by the insightful comments and suggestions of James Benn, Chen Jinhua 陳金華, George Keyworth, and Yao Cheng'en 姚承恩. Without their input the following translation would be far inferior, but since the English that follows is ultimately my own formulation, I alone am responsible for any errors or misunderstandings that may remain.
Stuart H. Young
September, 2002
Princeton, New Jersey
Translated by Tripiṭaka Master
Kumārajīva
of the Later Qin Dynasty (384-417).[9]
The Great Master Aśvaghoṣa Bodhisattva was the disciple of Elder Pārśva (Zhanglaoxie 長老脅).[10]
At one time, Elder Pārśva was deeply concerned about [the fate of] the Buddhadharma. He entered into samādhi (meditative absorption) and contemplated, "Who can bear the burden of renouncing secular life, widely proclaim the path of transcendence, and enlighten sentient beings?"
He saw that in central India there was a heretical renunciant who was uncommonly intelligent, eloquent, and full of worldly wisdom.[11] He excelled in the art of debate, and thus announced, "If any bhikṣu (monk) is capable of debating with me, <<T.50.2046.183b>> let him strike the ghaṇṭā.[12] If there are none, then the ghaṇṭā shall not be sounded in public, and none are worthy of receiving the people's offerings."
Elder Pārśva then departed from northern India on his way to central India. In the city of Śākya (Shijia 釋迦) he met a group of śrāmaneras (novice religious practitioners) along the road. They taunted him saying, "Venerable Elder, hand over your boots!"[13] as one [śrāmanera] carried them off. They harassed him incessantly in various ways for no reason. Elder Pārśva's countenance did not change, and he did not lose his calm.
One of the well-learned śrāmaneras recognized the breadth of [Elder Pārśva's] discernment, and suspected that he was no ordinary person. He asked many questions of him, carefully examining his manner. [Elder Pārśva] answered exhaustively according to each question, proceeding uninterruptedly without losing a step. His substance and bearing were deep and expansive; he was not confined by the near and narrow. The śrāmaneras all saw the virtue of the Elder to be limitless and profound, impossible to fathom. They paid him doubled homage and availed their services to him before bidding farewell.
Thereupon, by means of his supernatural
powers (shenli 神力; ṛddhi), Pārśva ascended the heavens and departed
for central India. When he arrived, he stopped at a temple and asked the bhikṣus
therein, "Why do you not sound the ghaṇṭā according to regulation?"
The bhikṣus said, "Elder Mahallaka[14]
has a reason for not striking [the ghaṇṭā]."
"What is the reason?" he asked.
They answered, "There is a heretical renunciant with unmatched talent
as a debater, and he commanded that none may publicly sound the ghaṇṭā
to receive the people's offerings if there are no Buddhist śramaṇas[15]
able to debate with him. This is why we do not strike [the ghaṇṭā]."
Elder Pārśva said, "Sound the ghaṇṭā as you please. If he comes
I will face him myself."
The old bhikṣus thought this response outlandish and with doubt could not decide what to do. They gathered to discuss the matter saying, "For the time being, let us sound the ghaṇṭā. If the heretic comes, we will tell this elder that he must take responsibility for it."
Thus, they sounded the ghaṇṭā, and
the heretic asked forthwith, "What causes you to strike this wood [i.e.
the ghaṇṭā] today?"
"There is an elder śramaṇa from the north who came and sounded
the ghaṇṭā. It was not us," they answered.
The heretic said, "Tell him to come out."
[Elder Pārśva] emerged, and the two observed
each other. The heretic asked, "Do you wish to debate with me?"
"Yes," [Elder Pārśva] answered.
The heretic ridiculed him saying, "The appearance of this old bhikṣu
is no more than mediocre, and his speech is that of a common man! How could
he possibly wish to debate with me?"
They eventually agreed that after seven days a debate would be held for which the king, his high ministers, the śramaṇas, heretics, and all of the great Dharma masters would be convened.
On the night of the sixth day, Elder Pārśva entered into samādhi and saw how to proceed. As dawn broke on the seventh day, the great assembly congregated. Elder Pārśva was first to arrive, and he ascended the elevated platform. The joy and ease in his countenance was twice that of an average day. The heretic then arrived and sat in front of him. He perceived serenity and contentedness in the śramaṇa, who exuded assurance in his determination. His whole essence was perfectly endowed with the character of a great expositor. [The heretic] thought, "Can this bhikṣu truly be a sage? He is peaceful and secure in his resolve, and appears well prepared to debate. Today's <<T.50.2046.183c>> will be an excellent debate."
Thereupon, they established an accord:
"How shall the defeated be punished?"
"The defeated shall have his tongue severed," the heretic said.
"That will not do," Elder Pārśva said. "Only if he becomes the
other's disciple is it an acceptable agreement."
[The heretic] replied, "So be it," and then asked, "Who shall
speak first?"
Elder Pārśva said, "Since I am an old man, I have come from far away, and
I was first to take this seat, it stands to reason that I should speak first."
"It makes no difference," the heretic said. "Whatever you now
say I will utterly refute."
Thus Elder Pārśva spoke, "The world should be made peaceable, with a long-lived king, plentiful harvests, and joy throughout the land, with none of the myriad calamities."
Not knowing how to respond, the heretic remained silent.
According to the rules of the debate, failure to reply meant defeat. So, he submitted and became the disciple [of Elder Pārśva]. He shaved his head and beard, crossed over to the other shore (du 度) by becoming a [Buddhist] śrāmanera, and received the complete set of precepts (juzujie 具足戒; upasaṃpanna or upasaṃpadā).
Later, he sat down in a solitary place and thought to himself, "I am brilliantly talented and my knowledge is expansive. My reputation inspires awe throughout the land. How could I be brought to submission with a single sentence, and made to become another's disciple?"
With these thoughts he became discontented. His master knew his mind, and commanded him to enter his chamber in order to reveal to him the Bases of Spiritual Power,[16] by which he underwent a multitude of transformations. He thus came to know that his master was an extraordinary [bhikṣu], and he gladly submitted thinking, "It is felicitous indeed for me to become this man's disciple."
His master then said to him, "If you do not change your original understanding of things, you will never be truly perfected. If you study the Dharma that I have acquired, you will obtain the [Five] Roots [of Goodness], the [Five] Powers, [the Seven Factors of] Enlightenment, and the [Noble Eightfold] Path.[17] You will be a talented debater, deep and penetrating. Clearly examining the import of principles, you will be without opposition throughout the world."
The master then returned to the land from whence he came, and the disciple remained in central India.
In time, [Elder Pārśva's disciple] gained an extensive knowledge of the myriad scriptures, thoroughly understanding both Buddhist and non-Buddhist [teachings]. His ability as an expositor was without match, and the four groups of Buddhist disciples[18] all revered and submitted to him. The king of India greatly valued him and held him in high esteem.
Later on, the king of the Minor Kuṣana empire[19] in northern India besieged central India, surrounding the kingdom and maintaining a protracted vigil over it. The central Indian king dispatched an envoy to inquire, "We will provide for you whatever you require. Why must the people suffer and be distressed by your extended presence?"
[The Kuṣana king] replied, "If you are willing
to surrender, hand over three hundred thousand gold pieces, and I will pardon
you."
"The wealth of my kingdom does not total
even one hundred thousand pieces of gold," the [central Indian] king said. "How could I possibly obtain three hundred thousand pieces of gold?"
[The Kuṣana king] replied, "Within your kingdom there are two great
treasures. One is the Buddha's begging bowl, and the other is a bhikṣu
with extraordinary talent as an expositor. Give these to me and they will be
as two hundred thousand gold pieces."
"These two treasures are very precious to
me," the [central Indian] king said. "I cannot relinquish them."
Thereupon, the bhikṣu expounded the Dharma for the king, saying, "One who edifies living beings is peerless throughout the world. The Way of the Buddha is immensely profound, and its principle is universal salvation. Of all the virtues of a great man, the ability to save sentient beings is indeed the greatest. The teachings of this world present many difficulties, and a king can edify only one kingdom. But now you can broadly proclaim the Way of the Buddha, and become a Dharma king across the four seas. That a bhikṣu saves human beings -- moral obligation prohibits otherwise. When one's heart is filled with beneficence, in truth there is no far and near. Thus, one should think with foresight, and not see only what is before one's eyes."
The king had always greatly valued [the bhikṣu's] word, so he reverently heeded it, <<T.50.2046.184a>> and presented [the bhikṣu and the Buddha's bowl to the king of Minor Kuṣana].
The Kuṣana king then returned to his kingdom, where his ministers advised him saying, "It is certainly fitting for the king to receive the begging bowl of the Buddha. However, this bhikṣu is just as any other in the world. One hundred thousand gold pieces is surely beyond his worth."
The king was well aware that the wisdom of the bhikṣu was surpassing and penetrating, and that his guidance would be of immense and profound benefit. His ability as a teacher and in expounding the Dharma was such that he could influence even non-human beings.
[The king] wished to remove his ministers' doubt, so he ordered that seven horses be starved for six days. At dawn on the sixth day, he gathered all of the śramaṇas of various teachings from near and far, and asked the bhikṣu to expound the Dharma. Of all those who heard him speak, none remained unenlightened. The king then tethered the horses in front of the assembly, and gave grass to them. The horses were quite fond of plavana, so he gave them plavana grass.[20] The horses shed a tear as they listened to the Dharma, and did not consider eating for even an instant. And thus, all throughout the land it was known that [the bhikṣu] was indeed an extraordinary man.
Because the horses could understand his words, he was called 'Horse Cry' (Maming 馬鳴; Aśvaghoṣa) Bodhisattva. He broadly proclaimed the Buddhadharma throughout northern India, guiding and benefiting all kinds of sentient beings through his skillful use of expedient means (fangbian 方便; upāya), and perfecting the merits and virtues in others. The four groups of Buddhist disciples all held him in the highest esteem and treated him with great respect. They also called him the Sun of Merit and Virtue.
APPENDIX
1.) 磧砂 (QS) vol. 28, text 1056, page 496, frame c, line 1: 三經同卷二; line 2: 馬鳴菩薩傳; line 3: 龍樹菩薩傳; line 4: 提婆菩薩傳. 乾隆 (QL) vol. 110, text 1453, page 684, line 1: 三傳同卷; line 2: 馬鳴菩薩傳; line 3: 龍樹菩薩傳; line 4: 提婆菩薩傳.
2.) T.50.2046.183a25 and 高麗 (K) vol. 30, text 1035, page 652, frame c, line 4: 後秦三藏鳩摩羅什譯. QS.28.1056.496c6, QL.110.1453.684.7, the 'Three Editions,' and the 'Old Song' edition: 姚秦三藏法師鳩摩羅什譯.
3.) T.183a26 and K.652c5: 有大師名. QS.496c7, QL.684.8, and the 'Three Editions:' 大師名. The 'Old Song' edition: 又大師名.
4.) T.183a28-29 and K.652c8: 世智聰辯. QS.496c9-10, QL.684.10, the 'Three Editions,' and the 'Old Song' edition: 世智慧辯.
5.) T.183a29 and K.652c8: 善通論議. QS.496c10, QL.684.11, the 'Three Editions,' and the 'Old Song' edition: 善通言論.
6.) T.183b4 and K.652c13: 富羅提. QS.496c13-14, QL.684.14-15, the 'Three Editions,' and the 'Old Song' edition: 富羅捉.
7.) T.183b4 has 種種(女+男+女[variant of 嬲])之輒 while K.652c13-14 has 種種(女+男+女)之(車+取[variant of 輒]). The 'Old Song' edition, the Song edition, and QS.496c14: 種種(女+男+女)之轉. The Yuan edition, the Ming edition, and QL.684.15: 種種嬈之轉.
8.) T.183b5 and K.652c15: 恬然不忤. QS.496c15, QL.685a1, the 'Three Editions,' and the 'Old Song' edition: 恬然不計.
9.) T.183b8 and K.652c18: 長老德量. QS.496c18, QL.685a4, the 'Three Editions,' and the 'Old Song' edition: 長老德重.
10.) T.183b14,15,17,18,19 and K.653a2,3,5,6,8: 犍椎. QS.496c24,25,27,28,29; QL.685a10,11,13,14,15; the 'Three Editions,' and the 'Old Song' edition: 揵椎.
11.) T.183b16-17 and K.653a4-5: 疑不能辨. QS.496c26, QL.685a12, the 'Three Editions,' and the 'Old Song' edition: 疑不能辯.
12.) T.183b29 and K.653a19: 聖比丘耶. QS.497a9, QL.685b9-10, the 'Three Editions,' and the 'Old Song' edition: 近比丘耶.
13.) T.183c6 and K.653b4: 天下泰平. QS.497a15, QL.686a1, the 'Three Editions,' and the 'Old Song' edition: 天下太平.
14.) T.183c13,184a2 and K.653b12,c11: 固其宜矣. QS.497a22,b10; QL.686a7-8,b11; the 'Three Editions;' and the 'Old Song' edition: 故其宜矣.
15.) T.184a1 and K.653c10: 便還本國. QS.497b9, QL.686b10, the 'Three Editions,' and the 'Old Song' edition: 使還本國.
16.) T.184a3, K.653c12, QL.686b12, the 'Three Editions,' and the 'Old Song' edition: 無乃太過. QS.497b11: 無乃大過.
17.) T.184a6, K.653c16, QS.497b14, QL.686b15, and the 'Three Editions:' 請比丘說法. The 'Old Song' edition: 諸比丘說法.
FOOTNOTES
1. Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新修大藏經 [Revised version of the canon, compiled during the Taishō era]. Ed. Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次郎 (1866-1945), Watanabe Kaikyoku 渡邊海旭 (1872-1932), et al. 100 vols. (Tokyo: Taishō Issaikyō Kankōkai, 1924-1935). Citations will appear as follows: T(aishō); volume number; text serial number; page number; frame (a, b, or c); line number(s). Maming pusa zhuan 馬鳴菩薩傳 T.50.2046.183a25-184a12.
2. Koryŏ taejanggyŏng 高麗大藏經 [Koryŏ canon]. 47 vols. (Photolithographic reprint; Seoul: Tongguk University Press, 1976). Maming pusa zhuan, Koryŏ vol. 30, text 1035.
3. The Kaibao edition was brought from the Northern Song court to Korea in 991 and subsequently used for carving the wood-blocks of the first Koryŏ canon in 1010. The Mongols burned these xylographs in 1232, but rubbings from the Kaibao blocks were not all lost. The first 1,087 texts in the second Koryŏ canon were reproduced from these rubbings, and the Biography of the Bodhisattva Aśvaghoṣa is of this group. See Lewis Lancaster, "The Buddhist Canon in the Koryo Period," at http://ishi.lib.berkeley.edu/buddhist/bbrc/buddhist_canon_koryo.html#anchor474740.
4. These dates are all provided by the Taishō editors, and are tentative.
5. Song qishaban dazangjing 宋磧砂版大藏經 [Qisha edition of the Song canon]. 591 vols. Ed. Songban zangjinghui yingyin. (Shanghai: Songban zangjinghui, 1936). Maming pusa zhuan, Qisha vol. 28, text 1056.
6. Qianlong dazangjing 乾隆大藏經 [Qianlong canon]. 168 vols. Ed. Zhuanzheng youxian gongsi baoyin fojing liutong. (Zhanghua: Zhuanzheng youxian gongsi, 1997; reprint). Maming pusa zhuan, Qianlong vol. 110, text 1453.
7. Li Yuxi 黎玉璽, trans., Fu fazang yinyuan zhuan 付法藏因緣傳 (Taibei: Daqian chubanshe, 1997).
8. Dalia, Albert A. and Li Rongxi, trans., Lives of Great Monks and Nuns (Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research, 2002).
9. Only the Korean edition here reads 'Later Qin dynasty (Houqin 後秦).' All other editions have Yaoqin 姚秦, indicating the perceived illegitimacy of this Qin dynasty by using the family name of its Tibetan rulers, Yao. See appendix note number 2.
10. There is a brief biography of Pārśva in the Fu fazang yinyuan zhuan (T.50.2058.314b28-c9), where he is not Aśvaghoṣa's master.
11. The expression used here is shizhi congbian 世智聰辯, though all editions except the Korean have hui 慧 in place of cong. See appendix note number 4. Shizhi (saṃvṛti-jñāna) is one of the Three Wisdoms (sanzhi 三智), together with the wisdom of dharma (fazhi 法智; dharma-jñāna) and the unconditioned wisdom (bizhi 比智; anvaya-jñāna). It indicates the wisdom possessed by unenlightened worldlings, or 'defiled' wisdom. However, in the famous dialogue between Lushan Huiyuan 廬山慧遠 (334-416) and Kumārajīva, recorded in Huiyuan's Essay on the Meaning of Mahāyāna (Dasheng yizhang 大乘義章 T.44.1851.629a6), the expression shizhi biancong 世智辯聰 appears, leading one to wonder if congbian should instead be read here as biancong. Shizhi biancong is one of the Eight Difficulties (ba'nan 八難; aṣṭāv akṣaṇāḥ), or eight circumstances in which it is most difficult to encounter the teachings of a Buddha. It means to strive toward and be absorbed in study of non-Buddhist teachings, and to lack faith in the true (Buddhist) path of salvation.
12. The ghaṇṭā was a bell or drum struck by the Buddha to congregate the monks for ceremonies. See appendix note number 10 for different Chinese transliterations of this term in the various editions of the text.
13. The term for boots here is fuluo 富羅, pūla in Sanskrit. Li Rongxi's version (p. 9) has 'books,' which is presumably a typographical error.
14. The phrase used here is zhanglao moheluo 長老摩訶羅 (sthavira mahallaka). Mahallaka can mean either 'elder' or 'unaware,' but in this context it seems that the former is preferable, as transliterations are usually reserved for proper names, honorific titles, or technical terms in Chinese Buddhist translations. Li Yuxi (p. 425) translates moheluo as 'unwaware' (bùzhī 不知); Li Rongxi (p. 9) uses Mahallaka.
15. The term śramaṇas (shamen 沙門) originally referred to a whole variety of 'world-renunciants,' not necessarily Buddhist, who gave up their social status and all of their possessions, and dedicated their lives to attaining some form of spiritual salvation.
16. There are Four Bases of Spiritual Power (sishenzu 四神足; catvāra-ṛddhipādāḥ): The desire to excel in meditation (yushenzu 欲神足; chanda-ṛddhipādāḥ), the effort made toward excelling in meditation (qinshenzu 勤神足; vīrya-ṛddhipādāḥ), the power of concentration (xinshenzu 心神足; citta-ṛddhipādāḥ), and the power of analytical meditation (guanshenzu 觀神足; vīmāṃsā-ṛddhipādāḥ).
17. Li Yuxi (p. 433) translates the four-character phrase appearing here, genlijuedao 根力覺道, as sānshíqī dàopĭn 三十七道品, or the Thirty-seven Aids to Enlightenment (bodhi-pākṣika). However, genlijuedao only indicates twenty-five of the thirty-seven Aids, as it does not include the Four Bases of Spiritual Power (see note 16), the Four Bases of Mindfulness (sinianzhu 四念住; catvāri smṛty-upasthānāni), or the Four Right Efforts (sizhengqin 四正勤; catvāri prahāṇāni). Gen refers to the Five Roots of Goodness (wugen 五根; pañcendriyāṇi), which are diligence (jingen 進根; vīryendriya), faith (xingen 信根; śraddhendriya), mindfulness (niangen 念根; smṛtindriya), concentration (dinggen 定根; samādhīndriya), and wisdom (huigen 慧根; prajñendriya). Li refers to the Five Powers (wuli 五力; pañca balāni), which are faith (xinli 信力; śraddhā-bala), diligence (jingjinli 精進力; vīrya-bala), mindfulness (nianli 念力; smṛiti-bala), concentration (dingli 定力; samādhi-bala), and wisdom (huili 慧力; prajñā-bala). Jue refers to the Seven Factors of Enlightenment (qijuezhi 七覺支; saptabodhyaṅgāni), which are correct understanding of the dharma (zefa juezhi 擇法覺支; dharma-pravicaya-saṃbodhyaṅga), diligence (jingjin juezhi 精進覺支; vīrya-saṃbodhyaṅga), rejoicing in the truth (xi juezhi 喜覺支; prītisambodhyaṅga), pliancy or adaptability (qing'an juezhi 輕安覺支; prasrabdhi-saṃbodhyaṅga), mindfulness (nianjuezhi 念覺支; smṛti-saṃbodhyaṅga), concentration (dingjuezhi 定覺支; samādhi-saṃbodhyaṅga), and detachment (shejuezhi 捨覺支; upekṣā-saṃbodhyaṅga). Dao refers to the Noble Eightfold Path (bazhengdao 八正道; aṣṭāṇga-mārga-hāmāni), which consists of right views (zhengjian 正見; samyag-dṛṣṭi), right thoughts (zhengsiwei 正思惟; samyak-saṃkalpa), right speech (zhengyu 正語; samyag-vāc), right action (zhengye 正業; samyak-karmānta), right livelihood (zhengming 正命; samyag-ājīva), right effort (zhengjingjin 正精進; samyag-vyāyāna), right mindfulness (zhengnian 正念; samyak-smṛti), and right concentration (zhengding 正定; samyak-samādhi).
18. Sibei 四輩: monks, nuns, laymen, and laywomen.
19. Xiao rouzhi 小月氏 refers to the eastern reaches of the ancient Kuṣana empire (ca. 3rd cent. BCE to 3rd cent. CE), just south of Dunhuang 敦煌 in the area of the Qilian mountain range 祁連山.
20. This sentence appears as an interlinear note in the Taishō edition of the text (p. 184a7), and it was present as such in all recensions used for collating. However, it is omitted in Li's (p. 436) reprint of the original text, and it does not appear in his translation. Fuliu 浮流 is the Chinese transliteration used here for plavana, which means both a water plant and the hoof of a horse. Fuliu could also be plavaka, meaning Ficus Infectoria. My thanks to MM. Max Deeg and Marcus Bingenheimer for this reference. Li Rongxi (p. 13) translates it as "betel." Fuliu is not a kind of grass or plant anywhere else in the Taishō Tripiṭaka. In the Ratnakūṭa-sūtra (Da baoji jing 大寶積經 T.11.310.324a25), translated in the early eighth century, fuliu is the name of a 'wind' (feng 風) that enters the mother's womb during the twenty-second week of pregnancy, and provides the fetus with blood. This is repeated in Yijing's 義凈 (635-713) translation of the Mūla-sarvāstivāda-vinaya (Genbenshuo yiqieyou bu pinaiye zashi 根本說一切有部毘奈耶雜事 T.24.1451.255b13-14). Fuliu is used for the names of ghosts or demons, and to transliterate words in dhāraṇīs or mantras to propitiate these ghosts in texts such as the seventh-century Grove of Pearls in a Dharma Garden (Fayuan zhulin 法苑珠林 T.53.2122.743a16), and the Collection of Miscellaneous Dhāraṇīs (Tuoluoni zaji 陀羅尼雜集 T.21.1336.619a29, b5, 29, c2, 621a23, c24).