Journal of Chinese Philosophy
Vol.9 1982
Copyright @ 1982 by Dialogue Publishing Company, Honolulu,
Hawaii , U.S.A.

. I.Introduction P.401 The influence of Buddhism on the formation of Neo-Confucianism during the Sung period was many-sided and the effort to clarify this issue poses a number of very difficult methodological problems. Neo-Confucianism has been characterized as an attempt to hold together a broad range of concerns within a precarious synthesis.(1) Central to this synthesis is the balance between the internal concerns of mind cultivation and external social-political concerns. Mind cultivation is a central theme in Chinese Buddhism, and, therefore, it is natural to expect certain instances of Buddhist influence on the Neo-Confucian teaching concerning mind cultivation. Neo-Confucians, however, defined their position in a highly self-conscious opposition to Buddhism. Because of this any attempt to identify Buddhist influence conflicts with the intentions of the Neo-Confucians themselves, especially on the basis of an analysis of the Neo-Confucian texts which explicitly reject Buddhism and attempt to restore the ancient Confucian teaching. The sharpening of the attack on Buddhism that accompanied the rise of Neo-Confucianism in turn stimulated the writing of Buddhist defences which generally emphasized the harmony between Buddhism and the ancient Chinese Way. These defences often reinterpreted the Confucian teaching from the Buddhist point of view. The writings of a Sung Buddhist Ch'i-sung(a) (1007-1072)(2) are a good example of such a defence. In these writings the superiority of the Buddhist cultivation of mind is openly stated and the Confucian tradition is reinterpreted in the light of this claim. The relationship between mind cultivation and other external concerns is also discussed extensively. This paper is an attempt to examine the first and piv -otal essay in P.402 Ch'i-sung's Fu-chiao-pien(b) ('Essays for Assisting the Teaching') , entitled 'An Inquiry on the Teaching'( Yan-chiao),(c3) within the general framework of questions concerning Buddhist influence on Neo-Confucianism. I will first describe the overall orientation of Ch'i-sung's discussion and then examine what appears to be the kernel of his argument in some detail by focussing on the two concepts of ch'ing(d) ('emotion') and shen(e) ('spirit', 'soul'). II. THE OUTLINE OF CH'I-SUNG'S ARGUMENT 1N Yan-CHIAO. The title of the essay brings to mind the famous work by Han y(f) entitled Yan-tao(g) ('An Inquiry on the Way') in which the latter develops a systematic critique of Buddhism and Taoism and outlines his views on what he considers to be the true Way, i.e., the Confucian Way.(4) Similarly, but from the Buddhist perspective, the substance of Ch'i-sung's discussion in Yan-chiao deals with such questions as: why should Buddhism be promoted and followed in China? and why and how is Buddhism compatible with Confucianism and the Chinese tradition in general? These questions are answered by showing the good influences of Buddhism on affairs of this world such as government and family life. The general outline of Ch'i-sung's argument can be described initially by taking a brief look at the two formulae used in his discussion. The first formula, which appears near the beginning of the essay, (5) indicates the place of 'this-worldly' concerns within the Buddhist teaching as a whole. Ch'i-sung summarizes the teaching of the Sage, here clearly the Buddha, in terms of the five vehicles, namely, the Human Vehicle, the Heavenlyy Vehicle, the Hearer Vehicle, the Pratyekabuddha Vehicle ('Yan-chueh cheng'),(h) and the Bodhisattva Vehicle.(6) He groups the last three as vehicles for transcending this world and the first two as veh -icles for regulating thisworldly (or inner-worldly) life. The Human Vehicle, i.e., the vehicle that results in rebirth as a human being, is identified further with the lay Buddhist teaching of Five Precepts. The Heavenly Vehicle that leads to rebirth in heaven is identified with the teaching of Ten Good Conducts (shih shan)(i) Ch`i-sung insists that each of the Five Precepts and the Ten Good Conducts P.403 should be understood in a broad and general sense, thus giving these lists a less legalistic and more ethical character. For example, the prohibition against theft is understood to mean not only that one should not steal other people's possessions but also that one should not receive anything if it is not right (pu i pu ch'u).(j) Ch'i-sung believed that, understood in this way, these lay Buddhist teachings constitute a superior moral and political teaching. In this formulation it is true that the secondary place of this-worldly concerns within Buddhism is confirmed, but their importance is still highlighted by the treatment of these concerns as 'vehicles'. The second formula is found in his comparison of the Buddhist and Confucian teachings.(7) According to Ch'i-sung, both Buddhism and Confucianism teach the same truth: the Buddhist teaching of the Five Precepts and the Ten Good Conducts and the Confucian teaching of 'humanity'(jen) (k) and 'righteousness' (yi) (1) are "one in substance though different in name".(8) The difference is due to the fact that Confucianism is a teaching of 'one age' (i shih),m i.e., our life in this world, while Buddhism is a teaching of 'three ages' (san shih),(n) i.e., our former, present and future lives in different realms of existence. With this formula, Ch'i-sung is highlighting the fact that Buddhism teaches a doctrine of moral retribution in future births. He suggests above all that Buddhism works better than Confucianism even as a teaching for this life, because, in fearing future retribution, people will be inclined to follow its moral instruction very faithfully in their present life. These two formulae show that Ch'i-sung's intention is to argue both that the Buddhist teaching deals with this-worldly concerns such as good government and family life as well, and that, although the substance of its teaching on these subjects is not different from what Confucianism teaches, it teaches more'effectively than the latter. The essay develops this basic viewpoint by grounding it on a more elaborate philosophical analysis and by drawing out its implications in the form of a critique of various misunderstandings and attacks on Buddhism. Ill. "TRACE", "SOURCE", "BRANCH", AND 'TRUNK": THE PLACE OF CH'ING ('EMOTION') IN CH'I-SUNG'S COMPARISON OF BUDDHISM AND CONFUCIANISM. P.404 Ch'i-sung works out the difference between Confucianism and Buddhism in terms of their different orientations to the realm of ch'ing ('emotion').(9) The place of ch'ing in Ch'i-sung's world-view may be seen in the opening passage of the essay: The myriad things have hsing(o) ('nature') and ch'ing('emotion'). The past and the present (i.e., the temporal continuity) have death (ssu)(p) and life (sheng).(q) Moreover, death, life, hsing. and ch 'ing have always been bound by the links of mutual causation. Death is by its very nature caused by life. Life is by its very nature caused by ch'ing. Ch'ing is by its very nature caused by hsing. Ch'ing is the bond (lei)(r) that lets myriad things float and sink in life and death. The sage has a broad vision and infers the cause back to the point prior to life in order to reveal its origin. He also points to the completion after death in order to teach the reason for cultivation. Therefore, he guides the whole Realm under Heaven with his Way, controlling the ch'ing-stained falsehood in the present and contributing to the inevitable completion in the future. The life has both its past and future, and these make up the three ages together with the present. From the fact that the completion of the good in the future is due to the cultivation in the present, it is clearly to be seen that the present condition is the result of what one has practiced in the past. As for ch 'ing, all that issues forth from hsing is ch 'ing. Habitual practices involving ch'ing (ch'ing-hsi)(s) may be either good or evil. In their transformation they profoundly and mysteriously (ming jan)(t) commune (with other forces) according to (their respective) categories (of good and evil, and the (process) becomes completed.(10) In this passage the cosmic processes are analyzed in terms of the causal rela- tionship among hsing, ch'ing,(11) sheng, ('life','birth'), and ssu ('death'). As the element that links the former with later lives, ch'ing has an impo -rtant place in this analysis. It is involved in what we do in this life, and such prac- tices, which may either be good or evil, determine our later lives. The terms such as 'transformation' (hua),(u) 'darkly' (ming-jan), 'communion' (kan),(v) p.405 and 'completion' (ch'eng) (w) are used to describe this determination as mys terious cosmic processes. The sage is the one who has special insights into these processes. Ch'i-sung states in the immediately following passage that the Buddha provided men with the teaching of the Five Vehicles on the basis of these insights. The significance of this focus on ch'ing in Ch'i-sung's discussion becomes clearer as one examines his comparison between Buddhism and Confucianism more closely. After stating that the Buddhist teaching of the Five Precepts and the Ten Good Conducts and the Confucian teaching of 'humanity' and 'righteousness' are identical in substance, Ch'i-sung continues, Now,'humanity' and 'righteousness' are the trace (chih) (x) of earlier kings' governing of this one age(i-shih). The discussion in terms of trace always results in differences. The inference in terms of the principle (li)(y) always results in identity. The trace comes from the principle and the principle is the origin (tsu)(z) of the trace. The trace is the branch(mo)(aa) and the principle is the trunk (pen).(ab) The gentleman seeks the trunk and deals with (ts'o) (ac) the branch (from there).(12) Confucianism is here understood as a 'trace' and 'branch'. The implication is that Confucianism is not wrong and does not have to be rejected, but that it needs to be placed within the proper perspective. We need to follow Ch'i-sung's discussion a little further to see what the substance of this perspective is and what the terms such as 'principle', 'origin', and 'trunk' in this passage refer to in reality. After a brief comment on the importance of taking into account the difference of the context in comparing teachings, Ch'i-sung introduces the basic formula I focussed on above: Confucianism is the teaching of one age and Buddhism is the teaching of three ages. He states further, If one is speaking of one age, then one must follow (shun) (ad) human emotions (jen ch'ing)(ae) in order to govern (chih)(af) its realm of the coming into being of forms (hsing shen).(ag) If one is speaking of three ages, then one must rectify the human spirit (jen shen)(ah) in order to point to the conditioning of karma-s outside of life and death.(13) 406 In this formulation the 'one age' is understood as the realm of ch'ing and the 'three ages' as the realm of shen. Confucianism, which in the previous passage was described as the "trace of the earlier kings' governing of one age" is presumably what Ch'i-sung has in mind here when he talks of the teaching that "follows human emotions (jen ch 'ing)". Shen here means the immortal 'soul' that transmigrates and receives the consequences of good and bad karmas in rebirths in different realms of existence. This interpretation is confirmed by Ch'i-sung's reference to the metaphor of fire and fire wood in the immediately following apssage.(14) There, it is also explicitly stated that the habitual practices involving ch'ing (ch'ing-hsi) determine the karmic retribution. Ch'i-sung's position may be reconstructed in the following manner. Confucianism deals with this life and world, i.e.,the realm of ch'ing,as a whole in itself. This can only take the form of governing (chih) , ordering this world through 'following' ch'ing. This also is understood as staying on the level of the 'trace' and 'branch'. Buddhism, however, deals with ch'ing more fundamentally and sets it within a broader perspective. Thus, since ch'ing comes from hsing, one should be able to deal with it as the 'trace' and the 'branch' of the deeper and universally identical 'principle' or 'trunk' by locating oneself on the level of hsing. This location gives one a broader perspective and enables one to deal with the world of ch'ing by focussing on the way it brings moral retribution in future rebirths. Ch'i-sung discusses the Buddhist orientation to ch 'ing in greater detail in a long and difficult passage, I will first offer a tentative translation of the passage and then reconstruct the outline of his reasoning briefly. Some say,'The Way of the Buddha transcends ch 'ing. Now if He conducts himself in such a manner (that is, to teach sentient beings according to their respective circumstances), how would it not involve ch'ing? Does the Buddha also have ch'ing? " I answer, "All (things that have) shapes and forms(hsing hsiang(ai)) have ch'ing. How could it be that the Buddha alone is without ch'ing? The Buddha practices ch'ing while not participating in ch'ing (hsing ch'ing erh pu ch'ing(aj).) The critic says, "What the Buddha does is similar to 'humanity' and 'righteousness'. How could one not(15) call 'humanity' and 'righteousness' ch'ing?" P.407 I answer 'What is 'humanity'? It refers to 'kind love' (hui-ai) .(ak) What is 'righteousness'? It refers to 'appropriateness' (shih-i)(al) Both 'appropriateness' and 'love' arise from hsing and takes shape (hsing)(am) in function (y n g).(an) If they were not ch'ing, what would they be? If one speaks in terms of ch'ing, then 'humanity' and 'righteousness' are good ones among ch'ing. If one conducts oneself in terms of ch'ing his activity (shih)(ao) is close to ch'an(ap) (provisional or relative norms). If one conducts oneself in terms of what is not (i.e., outside of) ch'ing, then his activity is close to li. Hsing manifests itself (hsiang)(aq) in identity and ch'ing manifests itself in diversity. Because of diversity, there is always competition in the Realm under Heaven. Because of identity, there is always security (an)(ar) in the Realm under Heaven. The Buddha wishes to cease competition, and, therefore, He promotes the thoughtful mind (huai)(as) and lets myriad things exist. Thing' refers to all beings whether insects, animals, or plants. The Buddha shows general compassion to them and does not scatter(16) and damage them. 'Living beings' refer to all living beings whether noble, humble, wise, or ignorant. The Buddha leads them equally (in identity), letting them seek (the goal themselves). To promote hsing and to identify himself with many living beings- does this not refer to the Great Sincerity (ta ch'eng)?(at) To promote the thoughtful mind and to let myriad things exist without exception-does this not refer to the Great Compassion (ta tz'u)?(au) Because of the Great Compassion His communion (kan) with man is deep. Because of the Great Sincerity. His transformation (hua) is effortless.(17) The Buddha, "practices ch'ing while not participating in ch'ing". Ch'i-sung's own commentary, often freer in the use of explicitly Buddhist terminology and references, explains this passage with a quote from the Nirvana sutra: The Tathagata is truely without worries and sufferings, yet he gives rise to the great compassion toward sentient beings and manifests (the condition of having) worries and sufferings.(l8) The uniqueness of the Buddha's relationship to ch'ing is here understood as the simultaneous combination of involvement and detachment. The motive P.408 behind this somewhat paradoxical orientation is compassion. Ch'i-sung's reasoning in the long passage may be summarized in the following manner. The manifold forms of the teaching of the sage belong to the sphere of ch'ing and are motivated by the sage's 'compassion'. The ultimate truth and reality, li(y) and hsing, constitute the sphere of identity which transcends chi'ng and the sage embodies it immediately in his 'sincerity'.(19) Again, the manifold forms of teaching are said to be comparable to the Confucian teachings of 'humanity' and 'righteousness'. They are the 'trace' and 'branch', to use the terminology encountered earlier, while the one truth embodied immediately in the sage is referred to as li and hsing, terms paired with 'trace','branch: and ch'ing in earlier passages. Ch'i-sung is again saying that the Buddhist teaching deals with ch'ing in terms of its source or foundation. So far we have shown that Ch'i-sung regards Confucianism and Buddhism as differing in their orientation to the world of ch'ing. This focus results from Ch'i-sung's basic viewpoint: it is the attachment to Ch 'ing which determines the rebirth. Here, Ch'i-sung is a good Buddhist. He follows the implications of this viewpoint further and points out that only Buddhism provides the broad perspective and insights into the mechanism of transmigration. Consequently, only Buddhism teaches the ultimately correct way of dealing with ch'ing. But Ch'i-sung is also a universalist and wants to show that Confucianism provides a way that is not entirely wrong even if it is only relatively and secondarily true. It is within this perspective that the difference between these two ways of dealing with ch'ing is explained in terms of the analysis of the relationship between ch'ing and hsing as the 'branch' and 'trunk'. IV. INTERNAL CULTIVATION AND EXTERNAL CONTROL Upon examing further Ch'i-sung's comparison between Buddhism and Confucianism, one is struck by the fact that the comparison is carried out rather consistently as a discussion of mind. The difference between the two teachings has been described in the passages examined above in terms of their different orientations to ch'ing or emotion. In another passage this same issue is discussed using the contrast between internal cultivation and external P.409 control. Now, if one wishes to make a man's mind follow (moral teachings) and cultivate himself on his own, nothing is better than internal communion (kan). If one wishes to make a man's words and behaviour obedient, nothing is better than external control (chih).(av) The external control requires the setting up of the teaching using the human way (jen tao) (aw) in order to invite the expected results. The internal communion requires the setting up of the teaching using the spiritual way (shen tao)(ax) in order to let it exert its transforming influences without fail. Therefore, when the Buddha conducts himself in terms of the Way, He deals first with the spiritual reality (shen) and then with man. This is also called "first internal communion and then external con- trol".(20) The terminology in this passage is suggestive. The 'inner' (nei)(ay) realm, the realm of shen ('spirit', 'soul'), is the realm in which processes' described as 'communion' (kan),'cultivation' (hsiu),(az) and 'transformation' (hua) take place. The concept that characterizes the 'outer' (wai)(ba) realm of the 'human way' is 'control' chih). These terms indicate that Ch'i-sung conceived the inner realm as the realm of spontaneous and mysterious processes and the outer realm as the realm of self-conscious controls which utilize human institutions.(21) The basic assumption is that only if one is in tune with the spontaneous and mysterious processes is one able to exercise effective controls that use or take the shape of social institutions. An earlier passage from the essay(22) is helpful in interpreting the point Chi-sung is making. When comparing the ancient Chinese government and the Buddhist approach; Ch'i-sung said that ancient Chinese rulers deplored the decline of age due to the disorder of ch'ing and treated people kindly with 'humanity' and 'righteousness'. They used rewards to promote good deeds and punishments to discourage evil ones. Yet, in spite of the increase in rewards and punishments, the decline continued. Buddhism, in contrast, is capable of making people turn to the good and distance themselves from evil without using rewards and punishments. This comparison suggests that the 'control' in the quoted passage means the use of human institutions that P.410 rely heavily on the external manipulation of human behaviour through rewards and punishments. Government based on Buddhist principle works somewhat differently. Let us follow the argument a little further: Shen refers to the mind (ching shen, (bb) 'subtle spirituality') of man. It does not refer to licentious and delusive matters of kuei(bc) and shen (evil and good spirits). (It means that) if a man cultivates (hsiu) his mind (ching shen) and makes his practice good, then in his life fortune responds (ying)(bd) and at death his shen rises in purity;if he does not cultivate his mind (ching shen), and his practice is evil and deluded,then in his life things will not be auspicious, and at death his shen will receive punishments. Therefore, when all in the Realm under Heaven hears this teachings, their mind (hsin)(be) will move in response (kan tung),(bf) and the evil deeds are prevented and the good ones increased. This silent transforming effects (hua) works in all ages. But this teaching appeared in China only when the time (shih shu,(bg) 'age number') was right and responded (ying) to the movement (kan) of the human mind(jen hsin) .(bh) Otherwise, how could it be that when a man cultivates himself with its teaching, the Heaven and the Earth responds (ying) to it and the kuei and shen show effects (hsiao) .(bi) If the appropriate time (shu, 'number')(bj) has not arrived and the principle of mutual communion (hsiang kan chih li)(bk) has not reached the extreme point, how could one preserve or remove it (i.e., Buddhism) following one's arbitrary likes and dislikes? This could be compared to the fact that the rulers such as wang(bl) and pa(bm) arrive only when the time is right (hsn shih) (bn) and responds to people (ying jen).(bo) How would the case of Buddhism be different?(23) In this passage Ch'i-sung is making two points. First, he insists that it is the cultivation of mind and moral practice that determines the fate of one's 'soul' (shen) in its rebirth. Ch'i-sung's view that the Buddhist teaching results in good government is based on the consideration that once people learn about future consequences of mind cultivation and good conduct they will all turn to good deeds and avoid evil ones. Secondly,Ch'i-sung explains that the process through which the cultivation of mind shows its effects is P.411 governed by the mysterious cosmic mechanism of interaction with mind described by such terms as 'communion' (kan) and 'response' (ying). What Ch'i-sung has described as 'internal communion' and the 'spiritual way turns out to be a form of cultivation that is oriented to the mysterious interaction between the mental and cosmic processes. V. 'PRIVATIZING' AND OTHER MISUNDERSTANDINGS OF THE NATURE OF THE WAY AND BUDDHISM. Ch'i-sung comments upon the relationship between Confucianism and Buddhism a little more concretely in other parts of this essay. For example, he traces the effects of the practice of the Five Precepts an the Ten Good Conducts and says that if they are cultivated from the village below to the Imperial Court above, virtues such as 'humanity' (jen) , 'moral integrity' (lien) , (bp) 'rectitude' (cheng) , (bq) and 'truthfulness' (hsin) (br) would result. Under such circumstances, How would there be a man's younger brother who does not treat the older brother with proper affection (ti'),(bs) a man's son who does not serve his parents with final piety(hsiao)(bt), who does not respect (ching)(bu) her husband, a man's friend who does not lead each other to good deeds (yi shan hsing chih)(bv), and a man's minister who is not loyal (chung) to his ruler, and a man's ruler who does not treat his people with humanity (jen).(24) Ch'i-sung is here recommending the practice of the Buddhist teaching on the ground that it will result in a society in which everyone performs the Confucian virtues appropriate to his circumstance. The assumption here is that these virtues indeed constitute an ideal. The difference between Confucianism and Buddhism lies not in their views of the ideal but in the manner in which they lead people toward that idea. Ch'i-sung is a convinced universa- list. Ch'i-sung uses the term szu(bw) ('private', 'privatize')(25) to describe an important misunderstanding concerning the nature of the Way. Interestingly, the term is used in two distinct senses in the essay. In one passage he argues P.412 as Follows, Thus, how could the Way of the Buddha be a private (szu) affair of an individual? The Buddha also intended to influence the whole Realm under Heaven, states, and families. How would it (i.e., his teaching) ever not preserve the relationships between the ruler and subjects and between the father and the son? How would it obstruct the Way of life and growth? However, it is not something that is proclaimed by officials. Rather, the principles through which it works its transforming influences (ch'i hua chih li)(bx) are hidden and difficult to see. Therefore,the worldly people are not capable of beleving them completely.(26) Here, the term szu is used to describe the failure to see the public and thisworldly influences of the Buddhist teaching. Buddhism teaches people not only as individuals but also as members of the society. To neglect the latter aspect is to 'privatize' it. Several lines later, however, the same term is used in a different sense. Here, Ch'i-sung is talking about ancient Chinese sages such as Yao and Shun. How would such sages say, "Because this man performs good deeds without relying on our way,we will not accept these good deeds", and "Only when a man does good deeds relying on our way, will we treat them as good"? If they say such things, then these sages would be privatizing (szu) the Way. How would the sages privatize the Way?(27) Here, szu does not mean the disregard of the public character of the Buddhist teaching, but the failure to see its universal character. To privatize the way means to treat the Way as if it were one's private property. This implies that others, too, will treat their Ways as their own private property. This would relativize the Way. Ch'i-sung concludes this discussion of the 'privatizing' of the Way by pointing out that Confucian sages in fact were all eager to seek and adopt good things in their lives. This attitude is explained as an example of the general principle that the things of the same categories (lei)(by) respond with each other. The sages would have reacted positively to Buddhism if they P.413 were living at the time when it reached China. The misfortune was that it arrived too late, and concequently,the followers of Confucianism and those of Buddhism ended up rejecting each other. The point of Ch'i-sung's critique of the privatizing' of the Way is not difficult to see: he is again insisting that the cultivation of the Way, especially the Buddhist Way, has public consequences of the type that the ancient Confucian sage kings aspired to achieve. To think otherwise is to distort its essence in a manner that puts private interests above the public good. The last sections of the essay discuss several common misunderstandings and criticisms of Buddhism.(28) Ch'i-sung's comments here develop some of the more concrete implications of his position. Ch'i-sung begins his discussion with a broader statement: Buddhist scriptures by their very nature also use many methods Later followers are unable to teach them to people in a manner that is appropriate to their circumstances. The result is that their beliefs become excessive: the ruler, misunderstanding the nature of good deeds, wishes immediately to give up his kingdom and place himself as a lowly slave, and worldly people, due to shallow understanding, immediately wish to give up their occupations and without good reason to concentrate on (attaining) the height of superior monks. This cannot be called the (correct) use of the Buddha mind for practicing the Way. Does not the scripture say, "The Buddhas preach the Dharma appropriately: their purport is hard to understand"? Therefore, the practice of Buddhism is not confined to wearing the black robe and cutting the hair. Such is the (emphasis on the) practice of mind in Buddhism. How can it be a superficial understanding (hsiao t'ung,(bz) 'minor penetraion').(29) The commentary on the last section of this passage explains its point in terms of the importance of the correct practice and treats monks and lay followers equally from this point of view. This same orientation that emphasizes the internal cultivation and relativizes the external appearances and consequences is also found in Ch'i-sung's discussion of the Buddhist practice of 'giving'. Here Ch'i-sung is discussing the criticism of Buddhism that focusses on its social consequences: P.414 (Critics say), "You (Buddhists) fill up the Realm under Heaven in a disorderly fashion and are not registered in the list of four peoples. You vainly advocate the virtue of' giving' and the doctrine of retribution, and are clothed and fed by people. It would be lucky if that does not bring difficulties in the Realm under Heaven. How could that assist in the government of the world and bring fortune to the rulers and parents?"(30) One may recall that such a social critique of Buddhism is found in Han y's Yan-tao.(31) Ch'i-sung answers it by denying the negative external (i.e., social) consequences of Buddhism and by reaffirming the internal merits of the practice of 'giving' as a form of the cultivation of mind. He argues that the classification of four peoples is an institution that the ancient rulers established in order to prevent disorder among people, and that, therefore, it should not prohibit people to express kindness (hui) by giving their profits to others. Presumably such a practice runs no risk of causing disorder in the world. Additionally, Ch'i-sung points out that although the differentiation of peoples into four categories did not exist before Yao and Shun, there was no shortage of food then. In fact, the introduction of the well-field system during the Chou period and the abolition of the institution of kingship (wang-chih)(ca) during the Ch'in, all events which took place prior to the introduction of Buddhism (and the formation of the Taoist religion), led to increasing decay and disorder in the Realm under Heaven. In light of this he asks, "how can it be that the addition of these teachings results in epidemics? "(32) According to Ch'i-sung, food is naturally provided for all men who live between the Heaven and the Earth, and the critic here is too worried about such practical affairs of the world and not sufficiently concerned about people. The point of the teaching of 'giving' lies in "disolving man's greed and stinginess and expanding his good mind."(33) Ch'i-sung points out that 'giving' is a form of kindness that is difficult to practice, given the natural human feelings (jen ch 'ing). A passage from the Analects is quoted here: (Tzu-kung said).If a ruler not only conferred (shih,(cb) 'give') wide benefits upon the common people, but also compassed the salvation of the whole State, what would you say of him? Surely, you would call him Good (jen)? The Master said, It would no P.415 longer be a matter of 'Good' (jen). He would without doubt be a Divine Sage. Even Yao and Shun could hardly criticize him.(34) Ch'i-sung's argument is that because it is difficult to give, the teaching of 'giving' is useful and necessary as a form of cultivating mind. Ch'i-sung treats another criticism similarly with an emphasis on the internal cultivation. Here the critic charges that Buddhists go against the human norm (jen lun chih tao, (cc) i.e., 'the Way of the human order') that is summarized in a formula-like expression: "a man has his wife and a woman her family; one preserves one's hair and skin perfectly to honour the body given by the parents."(35) Instead, they (i.e., Buddhists) are preoccupied with personal cultivation, holding themselves higher than the world. This charge is answered first by saying that Buddhists, who practice according to precepts and cultivate their mind, attain the spiritual penetration(t'ung y shen ming)(cd) and the extreme virtue, and consequently, when they "repay their indebtedness with the Way,there is no indebtedness that is not paid back, " and when they "continue the heritage (ssu)(ce) with virtue (te),(cf) there is no heritage that is not continued." So,"while they are not married, they assist the parents with virtue, and although their outward form may be damaged, they bring spiritual benefits to the parents with their Way." (36) This schematic argument is followed by references to T'ai-po,(cg) Po-i,(ch) and Shu-chi,(ci) who are praised in Chinese sources in spite of their damaging of the body and failure to be married. These comments once again illustrate Ch'i-sung's tendency to treat all questions ultimately as matters of mind cultivation. VI. CONCLUDING COMMENTS. Ch'i-sung's-discussion in the essay as a whole turns around two basic lines of argument. On the one hand, Ch'i-sung argues rather straightforwardly that the Buddhist teaching of transmigration motivates all members of the society to live and behave correctly. The consequence would be good govemment, peace and prosperity in the society. Here, the focus of Ch'i-sung's discussion it clearly upon the lay Buddhist teaching and references are made to such standard lists of lay teaching as the Five Precapts and the Ten Good P.416 Conducts. On the other hand, Ch'i-sung also insists that the superiority of the Buddhist teaching lies in its focus on mind cultivation. Here, Ch'i-sung appears to be talking about Buddhism in general, and, moreover, mind cultivation is discussed in terms that provide at the same time a universalistic framework for the comparison between Buddhism and Confucianism. In this regard Ch'i-sung is developing a language that is not narrowly Buddhist but rather is appropriate for the discussion of both Buddhism and Confucianism. This second line of argument also leads to the treatment of a wide range of external socio-political questions ultimately as internal questions of mind cultivation. In this paper I have attempted to reconstruct the broad structure of Ch`i-sung's thought with an expectation that it may contribute to a more general discussion of the relationship between Buddhism and the rise of Neo- Confucianism. With reference to Ch'i-sung I have highlighted his emphasis on mind-cultivation as the basic orientation for discussing this relationship; it reveals the basic parallel between the Neo-Confucianist and Ch'i-sung's Buddhist position with regard to the necessity of bridging the internal concern of mind-cultivation and the external concern of government and society. The study opens up several possibilities for more specific comparison,(37) but a systematic examination of these possibilities would lead , beyond the scope of this paper and must be postponed for another occa- sion.(38) MCMASTERS UNIVERSITY HAMILTON, CANADA NOTES 1.See, for example, Wm. Theodore de Bary's introduction to The Unfolding of Neo-Confucianism, by Wm.Theodore de Bary and the Conference on Seventeenth-Century Chinese Thought, New York & London, Columbia University Press, 1975. For the importance of the balance between the internal mind cultivation and external social concerns, see Miura Kunio,Shushi.(cj) Tokyo, Kodansha, 1979, p.6. P.417 2.For the most recent and detailed examination of Ch'i-sung's biography, see, Ando Chishin, "Butsunichi Myokyo Kaisu den Shiko", Otani Daigaku Kenky ck Nenpo,(ck) No. 29, 1976, 91-133. Ando examined critically Ch'en hsun-y's biography, "Hsin chin ming chiao to shih hsing yeh chi'"(cl) on which most later biographies are based, by comparing it with the contents of Ch'i-sung's collected works. See also, Jan y n -hua, "Ch'-sung", Sung Biogrophies. 1, pp. 185-194 and Makita Tairyo, Chugoku Kinsei Bukkyoshi Kenky.(cm) Kyoto, Heirakysha, 1957, pp. 145-154. Ch'i-sung has been studied from several points of view. Makita Tairyo interpreted his writings as an exemplary illustration of the manner in which the centralizing influences of the Sung state authority penetrated and were assimilated in Buddhist thought. Certain of Ch'i-sung's other writings, those conceerning the patriarchal succesion, have been discussed in relation to Ch'an historiography. See, for example, Tokiwa Daijo, Horinden no Kenky , (cn) Tokyo, Kokusho-Kanko-Kai, 1973; original edition, 1931 on this issue. In Kubota Ryoon's systematic study of the interrelationship among the Three Teachings, Shina Judobutsu Sangyoshiron.(co) Tokyo, Tohoshoin, 1931;and Shina Judobutsu Koshoshi,(cp) Tokyo, Daidoshuppansha, 1943 Ch'i-sung occupies an important place. Ch'i-sung's discussion of mind is high-lighted as a predecessor to the NeoConfucian discussion of mind, especially of Lu Hsiang-shan, in Kuroda Ryo's history of Chinese psychological thought (Shina Shinri Shisoshi.(cq) Tokyo, Koyama-shoten, 1948). A similar viewpoint is; found in Yoshida Kenko's article on 'Kaisu' (Ch'i-sung) in Chogoku no Shisokacr Tokyo Daigaku Chugoku Tetsugaku Kenkyushitsu, ed., Tokyo, Keiso Shoten,1967,II, 449-462. 3.Fu-chiao-pien constitutes the first part of the Hsin-chin wen-chi.(cs) This latter work is now found in Taisho Daizokyo(ct) Vol. 52 and Ssu-pu T'sung-k'an,(cu) Series III. I also consulted a commentary on Fu-chiaopien, entitled Fu-chiao-pien-yao -i.(cv) This commentary claims to be the work of Ch'i-sung himself. I used two Japanese printed editions, one printed in Kan'ei 19 (1642) and the other with further notes printed in Genroku 9 (1969),both of which are at the library of the Institute of Oriental Culture, the University of Tokyo. For a careful study of the existing editions of Ch'i-sung's works, see, Shiina Koy, "Sogenban Zenseki Kenky",(cv) 2 and 3, Indogaku Bukkyogaku Kenky,(cx) 26, 2, March 1978;and 27, 1, 1978. All references to Ch'i-sung's works here are given in terms of the Taisho edition unless otherwise indicated. 4.Chu wen-kung hsiao ch'an-li hsien-sheng chi.(cy) Ssu-pu ts'ung-k'an, I, 95f. For a translation, see W. T. Chan, A Source Book in Chinese Philosophy, (Princeton, New Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1969), p. 454 ff., and Wm. Theodore de Bary, ct al., Sources of Chinese Tradition (paperback edition, New York and London: Columbia University Press, 1960) Volume I, p. 376 ff. Here I have adopted Chan's translation of the rather untranslateable title of the essay. Ch'isung wrote a major essay, entitled "Fei Han",(cz) in order to refute Han-y's views. This fact indicates that Ch'i-sung regarded Han-y as the real opponent to his P.418 position. On this essay, see, Fujisawa Makoto. "Kaisu no sogaku ni taisuru kiyo tokuni 'hikan' wo chushin to suru, " Shinshu Daigaku Burigakubu Kiyo, No.9, 50-59. 5. 649a8 ff. 6. For a hirtory of the idea of 'five vehicles', see Mochizuki, Bukkyo Doijiten,(db) p. 1227. The reference to Tsung-mi's Fo-shuo yu-lan-p'en ching shu, (dc) chan 1 (T.1792), where the idea is explained in detail, is of particular interest in view of Ch'i-sung's indebtedness to Tsung-mi in other regards. 7. 649b12ff. 8. 649b13. 9. The Commentary explains ch'ing as six emotions (liu ch'ing) (dd) which is further described in relation to the six senses. See, I, 9a. Kuroda examines Ch'i-sung's discussion of hsing and ch'ing in pp.237-241 of his book and gives the list of "seven emotions", i.e., ioy (hsi), (de) anger (nu), (df) pity (ai), (dg) happiness (le), (dh) harted (e) (di),and desire (shih-y) (dj) as typical examples of what Ch'i-sung meant by ch'ing (Shina Shinri Shisoshi,241). 10. 648c22-649ab 11. One may note here that the terms 'hsing' and 'ch'ing' have a long history in Chinese philosophy that is largely independent of Buddhism; consequently what Ch'i-sung is doing here is to connect the Chinese intellectual world associated with these terms with the causal analysis of cosmic processes which is obviously Buddhist in origin. Ch'ing, as emotion or mental processes in general, is serving as the key to this connection. Kuroda's work on the history of Chinese psychological thought discusses teh history of there concepts in some detaill. 12. 649b12-17. 13. 649b2427. 14. This metaphor is used in a well-known passage by Hui-Yan to explain the mechanism of the transmigration of the soul. See, "Sha-men pu-chin wang-chel lun", Hung-ming-chi, (dk) chan 5, Taisho Daizokyo, vol. 52, 32a, or for an English translation, Wm. Theodore de Bary, et al., Sources of Chinesc Tradition, Ibid., II, 286. 15. The Commentary gives yi (dl) for pu (dm) here and reads the phrase to mean "how can you call them (alone) ch'ing? I, 25a. 16. The text used in the Commentary gives kan (dn) ('dare') instead of san (do) ('scatter'). I, 26b. 17. 649c12027. 18. I, 25a. The quotation from the Nirvana sutra is found in Taisho Daizokyo. vol. 12, p.656allf. For a translation of the passage, see Yamamoto Kosho, Mahanirvana-sutra. Tokyo The Karinbunko, 1973, I, 211: This quotation is preceded in the Commentary by a passage that reads as follows: "The Buddha has already appeared in this world and, showing his identity with men, taught them. How can he be without ch'ing? The Buddha gives rise to the Infinite Great Function (ta P.419 fang ta yng)(dp) and establishes the Teaching. Although he shows the practice (hsing)(dp) of ch'ing and pity, He is not attached to ch'ing". 19. Ch'i-sung wrote an essay called "Chung-yng-chieh"(dr) (665c-667c) on the Doctrine of the Mean, a scripture in which one finds the most widely known discussion of 'sincerity'(cheng) (ds) in classical Confucianism. 20. 640b18-24. 21. The Commentary explains the term 'control' in this passage as the control with 'laws and institutions' (fa-tu). I, 37b. 22. 650b22 ff. 23. 650b25-c5. 24. 650a812. 25. I adopted this translation while realizing that the contrast between 'kung'(dt) and 'szu' (the Commentary uses the pair of 'kung-kung(du) and 'tzu-szu'(dv) in discussing the passages quoted below) in Chinese thought does not correspond strictly with the contrast between 'public' and 'private' in the modern West. It should, for example, be kept in mind that the Chinese concept szu carries a stronger connotation of selfishness. 26. 650a13-17. 27. 650a26-29. 28. For a brief comment on the relationship between Fu-chiaou-pien and the criticism of Buddhism by Ou Yang-hsiu in Pen-lun(dw) and Han y, see Fujisawa Makoto, "Sosho ni okeru juka no haibutsuron no ichi keiko",(dx) Shinshu Daigaku Bunrigakubu Kiyo, No. 5, pp. 11-20. See also Fujisawa's article on Fei-han cited above. 29. 650c16ff. The quotation is from the Lotus sutra. See, Taisho, Vol. 9, 7a18. The translation follows Leon Hurvitz, Scripture of the Lotus Blossom of the Fine Dharma, New York, Columbia University Press, 1976, p. 29. 30. 651a22-25. 31. Han y, ibid, 95f. 32. The translation follows the reading of the Commentary.I, 50a. 33. 651b20. 34. 651b17-19. The quote is from the yng-yeh(dy) chapter (Book 6) of the Analects. The translation is that of Arthur Waley, The Analects of Confucius, N.Y.,Vintage Books,1938,VI,28,p.122. 35. 651bw6f. 36. 651c3-5. 37. For example, the central place of such concepts as 'nature'(hsing) and 'emotion' (ch'ing) and their relationship in Ch'i-sung's discussion suggests a further line of exploration. These concepts have an important place in Neo-Confucianism and they are highlighted in the writings of such predecessors to this movement as Han y (Yan-hsing(dz)'An Inquiry on Nature') and Li Ao(ea) (Fu hsing shu, (eb) 'The Recovery of Nature') . A systematic comparison of these partially related discuss- P.420 ions of the concept may illuminate the significance of Ch'i-sung's preoccupation with concepts further. 38. I would like to thank Mr.James Robinson for his editorial in the preparation of this paper. P.421 a.C b. нs c. d. e. f. U g.D h. tı i. Q j.q k. l. q m.@] n. T] o. p. q. r. s. t. ߵM u. v.P w. x. y.z z. aa. ab. ac. ad. ae.H af. v ag. Υ ah.H ai. ζH aj. 污Ӥ ak.fR al. Ay am. an. ao. ap. v aq. ar. w as. h at.j au. jO av. aw.HD ax. D ay. az. ba. ~ bb. 믫 bc. bd. be. bf.P bg. @ bh. 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