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從宗教與文化背景論寺院經濟與僧尼私有財產在華發展的原因
著者 曹仕邦 (著)=Tso, Sze-bong (au.)
掲載誌 華岡佛學學報=Hwakang Buddhist Journal
巻号n.8
出版年月日1985.10
ページ159 - 184
出版者中華學術院佛學研究所
出版サイト http://www.chibs.edu.tw/
出版地臺北市, 臺灣 [Taipei shih, Taiwan]
資料の種類期刊論文=Journal Article
言語中文=Chinese
キーワード戒律=Precepts=Vinaya=Sila; 佛教經濟=寺院經濟=Buddhist Economics; 無盡藏
抄録根據戒律,佛教沙門要行乞為生; 不許手捉金銀及從事
經濟活動,然而中國的寺院卻一向從事種種生財經營,個別
沙門也擁有私人財產,究其原因,則均與華人傳統賤視乞食
生涯有關. 緣於瞧不起乞丐,中國的施主們也不願自己所崇
敬的法師一似叫化子般每日登門求飯菜,於是改以金錢或耕
地施諸個別僧尼或整家寺院,俾僧團生活有所保障. 為不
願得罪俗世信徒,寺院或個別沙門只好接受此違背印度佛門
傳統的布施方式,從此寺院便建立供膳制度,不再遣僧外出
乞飯. 由於供膳米糧主來自寺院生產的收穫,常住當局不
得不以布施所得金錢購入良田來保障齋供得繼,由是漸次發
展「無盡藏」來處理布施收入及寺田榖米盈餘,用其財力從
事種種宗教與社會褔利事業以為弘法之助. 緣於活動既多,
寺院不得不進一步擴大商業經營的範圍,賺取足夠金錢來一
方面維持供膳;另一方面維持上述種種弘法活動. 至於僧尼
保有個人財產,則一方面由於完整律典在中夏有沙門的數百
年後譯出,僧尼久已親手處理財物,另一方面,則其原始動
機在保存既得財施來隨時幫助經濟上遇困難的僧俗.

Students of Chinese Buddhism all know that
traditionally Buddhist establishments involved
themselves very much in economic activities, and
both monks and nuns possesed personal properties. In
fact,monastic economy had become a popular theme
for modern scholars of both Chinese Buddhism and
Chinese economic history. However,it seems to me
that these scholars have all ignored the fact that
both of the above-mentioned phenomena, i.e. those of
monastic economy and the clerics' personal wealth,
flagrantly violated the regulations laid down by the
Indian Buddhists. According to the Vinaya, not only
are the clerics not allowed to touch any kind of
money,they also are not allowed to be involved in
commercial transactions. Alms collecting is their
only means of livelihood (the Sanskrit term Bhiksu
比丘 simply means 'begger'). Why should members of
the Chinese Monastic Order have strayed from their
sacred monastic rules even after the different
versions of Vinaya had already been translated and
put into practice?

In my opinion,that had something to do with the
conflict between the cultures of India and China. In
India, the society viewed the Buddhist Bhiksus as a
kind of 'holy men' and laymen would gladly give alms
to them and thereby gain their blessings. Under this
tradition,the Indian monks and nuns happily
survived.

In China, on the other hand,people tended to
look down on beggars. Even though the Chinese
faithful believed that giving alms to support the
clerics was a good way of accumulating one's
religious merits for eventual salvation,they would
find the idea hard to stomach that a monk or nun
whom they revered should come to their doors and
collect alms every day a pauper. Instead,they would
donate a large amount of money or a piece of forming
land to an individual priest or to an establishment
so that the clerics could have some property as a
source of income.

Lest they should offend their donors, members of
the Monastic Order reluctantly accepted donations,
violating the Indian trandition. Since then,the
monastic catering system was established and clerics
were no longer sent to beg for food. As the catering
system mainly depended upon the harvest of the
monastic estate,abbots of monasteries or nunneries
had to acquire fertile fields and groves in order to
gurantee the supplies of their institutes. Gradually
,a foundation entitle' Wu-chin Tsang 無盡藏 'or
'Inexhaustible Treasury 'was set up at each
establishment to manage the monies and other
materials that people had donated to the institute,
or crops harvested from the monastic estate.

Since the establishment of the above-mentioned
treasury,members of the monastic Order began to
organise many religious and social welfare
activities as a means of attracting people to
Buddhism. After the social welfare activities had
gradually developed into the traditional welfare
activities of the Monastic Order,the monasteries
and nunneries would have to make their Inexhaustible
Treasuries really 'Inexhaustible'. Under these
circumstances, they extended their financial
activities into commercial transactions or even got
involve
目次前言 161
一、中印兩國對出家人乞食生涯的不同看法 161
二、僧尼私有財產制度發展的原因 165
三、寺院經濟發展的原因 176
結語 184
後記:本文原屬仕邦的學位論文 184
ヒット数1547
作成日1998.07.22
更新日期2017.08.22



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